BY ASHOK
MALIK, TOI CONTRIBUTOR | UPDATED: APR 18, 2017, 12.54 PM
IST
How quickly will President Donald Trump ‘settle down’ and fill the gaps in his administration? That remains a big question. In India, it is leading to hesitation in making firm assessments of the Trump presidency. For example, details of his approach to Afghanistan or the Indian Ocean region – how he hopes to balance a muscular military policy with absence of enthusiasm for liberal trade – are awaited.
How quickly will President Donald Trump ‘settle down’ and fill the gaps in his administration? That remains a big question. In India, it is leading to hesitation in making firm assessments of the Trump presidency. For example, details of his approach to Afghanistan or the Indian Ocean region – how he hopes to balance a muscular military policy with absence of enthusiasm for liberal trade – are awaited.
Nevertheless
for India – and in this one incorporates the government, Indians with business
stakes in the US, and those of Indian origin who live in America – some issues
are being clarified. There is a transactionalism and a hard mood in the US that
was captured by Trump but which has outgrown his election. Trumpism, if one may
put it thus, is likely to outlive Trump, even if some of its manifestations are
peculiar to him.
This does not mean India cannot find common ground with the
Trump administration or the new America. That is very possible. Yet, tactical
tweaks will have to be made and the interface with America’s polity and society
will need to be redesigned.
For a start, a ‘transactional’ Trump administration
has more than one connotation. There is a sense that some in the president’s
inner circle are susceptible to ‘chequebook diplomacy’ – the ability of
international partners to leverage business deals for political influence. This
is always a phenomenon in Washington, but appears to be acquiring greater
salience with the closely-knit Trump team.
If so it will give countries such as Saudi Arabia and China,
which are used to cultivating constituencies in such a manner, enormous flexibility.
India will be at a relative disadvantage.
Second, as the visits of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe (the most
successful trip by a foreign leader to Trump’s America) and President Xi
Jinping have indicated, astute interlocutors are beginning to interpret
‘transactionalism’ as providing investment and creating jobs in the US. This
will strengthen Trump domestically, and give those countries clout with him. In
time, it could give them the space to structure and sustain a more “normal”
trade relationship with the president – and allow them to retain access to the
American market.
Where
does India stand here? It is a big player in services but the accelerated
professional visa regime that has been America’s calling card since the early
1990s is nearing sunset. There is only so much diplomatic capital India can
deploy in protecting H-1B visas. Nimble Indian companies, which have benefited
from the H-1B system, are already making alternative plans.
These could include greater investment and recruitment within
the US itself, to overcome the possible demise of the H-1B regime. This will
allow such companies to service the US market, albeit at lower margins and with
higher costs.
However, many such companies and particularly
the IT sector are also using media and public pressure in India to push New
Delhi to make H-1B visas the centrepiece of any bargain with Washington. There
is a limit to how far the Indian government can do this. It has other fish to
fry with the US and cannot be trapped with the H-1B dispute.
This is especially so as Indian companies are,
individually and in specific geographies in the US, creating alliances with
local communities, state governors and politicians to safeguard business
interests as the H-1B story tapers. While this survival instinct is commendable
and typical of Indian entrepreneurship, it is not being optimised.
It is not allowing India – whether the government or
corporate stakeholders – to package a multiplicity of investments in and
contributions to America’s economy and local communities. If intelligently
organised, Prime Minister Narendra Modi can travel to the US with an impressive
portfolio of what Indian companies have done for that country.
At the very least, Indian companies in America need to appear
on a common platform and set up a flagship institution to showcase their
collective contribution. This is important for them in terms of perception
management. It is also critical for Indian diplomacy.
If the economy is throwing up challenges, so is
society. The “browning of America” is a theme of local politics and any elected
official will have to be mindful of it in the foreseeable future. In an extreme
case, it may lead to incidents such as the February killing of tech worker
Srinivas Kuchibhotla in Kansas City.
Kuchibhotla’s
death made headlines. An Indian colleague with him was saved when a good
Samaritan, Ian Grillot, took a bullet from the white supremacist assailant. In
response, the Indian community in Houston raised $1,00,000 for Grillot and the
Indian government thanked him more than once.
The
harsh truth is such incidents are likely to recur. While the Indian embassy can
provide episodic support, it cannot ultimately build a niche for the Indian
diaspora within American society. If nothing else, the Indian community in the
US has to get much more involved in local politics and in providing regular
campaign finance and sponsorship to immediate political representatives and
champions.
While
some well-heeled Indian Americans do make sizeable campaign contributions; many
Indians don’t. Indian community engagement with American politics is neither
widespread nor deep. Most members are content living quiet lives, as a “model
minority” in a suburbia that is physically in the US but emotionally in India.
In Trump’s America, that will not be enough.
Read more at:
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http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/58236876.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst
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