Non-interference no more the golden rule for rising Chinese aspirations

By 

Dipanjan Roy Chaudhury

, ET Bureau|

Updated: Jul 18, 2017, 08.01 AM 

IST 

 

It is not just Bhutan where China is perceived to be meddling in the internal affairs of a smaller country. China’s longstanding principle of non-interference in other states’ internal affairs is evolving with its growing global footprint unlike India, according to a study made public last week by the International Crisis Group (ICG), an independent organisation working to prevent wars worldwind. 

As Chinese overseas investment and business links grow in scope and depth, Beijing faces increasing threats to its citizens, economic interests and international reputation, claims ICJ. That, in turn, has confronted China with the inherent limitations of its traditional hands-off foreign policy posture, the study notes. 

"The most prominent test case appears to be Africa and, within the continent, South Sudan, where Chinese measures to protect its citizens and economic interests, coupled with its support for an end to the war and pursuit of humanitarian objectives, seem a calculated trial run for a more proactive global role," according to ICG. 

Interestingly China's bilateral approach is contradictory to its position -- on non-interference in other's states affairs -- at multilateral platforms including BRICS. However, since 2012-13, China has been keen to play a role of security guarantor in countries where they invest and have strategic interests, pointed out an expert on China’s foreign policy. Pakistan falls in this category. Besides, China has militarised South China Sea region where it has significant economic and strategic interests. Beijing’s naval presence in the Indian Ocean Region are also on the rise. 

Elaborating on Beijing’s role in Sudan, ICG recalls, “China first experimented with deeper involvement in Sudan in response to powerful international criticism (culminating in calls to boycott the 2008 Beijing Olympics) of its support for Khartoum, which was fighting a brutal counter-insurgency campaign in Darfur. Using its influence with the Sudanese government and in the UN Security Council, China helped ensure deployment of UN peacekeepers to Darfur in 2008… When South Sudan’s civil war broke out in late 2013, Chinese advocates of a more flexible interpretation of the non-intervention policy saw an opportunity to try new approaches to protect their nation’s interests.” 

China engaged in the peace process held in Ethiopia, hosted discreet talks among warring factions in Sudan, shaped the UN Security Council action, sent peacekeepers to the UN peacekeeping mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) and joined the August 2015 peace agreement oversight body, according to the ICG report released on July 10. 

Beijing’s forays in Sudan’s hydro-carbon sector dates back to 1997 when China National Petroleum Corporation was new to acquiring hydrocarbon assets abroad. “Keen to tap into an underdeveloped market with, at the time, few competitors, Chinese nationals and companies flocked to South Sudan after it achieved formal independence in July 2011. But the region soon proved volatile and risky for businesses. In January 2012, Juba shut down oil production after negotiations over pipeline fees with Khartoum deadlocked. 

“Production did not restart until April 2013. Civil war broke out in December that year and disrupted production again. Oil workers had to find shelter in UN bases until companies could airlift them to safety. Chinese nationals scrambled to flee the war zone; their shops were looted and business projects halted. Beijing made the unprecedented decision to step in, with three related aims: (1) protect Chinese citizens and economic interests; (2) support an end to the war; and (3) serve humanitarian objectives. Although this was an emergency response, it also became a calculated trial run for a more proactive role in step with China’s expanding overseas footprint and international stature.” 

China, according to ICJ report, is taking into account the desire to export its own governance and development model and shape global norms. “Such a distinction increasingly may blur if Beijing comes to see cultivating local political allies who share its views as the most effective means to protect Chinese interests and if it gains the confidence and capability to do so.” 

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